Wednesday, July 13, 2011

Great leaders in Nigeria's history before total colonization (part four)

son of Usman dan Folio and second sultan of sokoto

Muhammed Bello (reigned 1815 - 1837) (Arabic: محمد بلو‎) was the son and aide of Usman dan Fodio. He became the second Sultan of Sokoto following his father's 1815 retirement from the throne. Bello faced early challenges from dissident leaders such as 'Abd al-Salam, and rivalries between the key families of his father's jihad. Bello soon consolidated his rule by granting land and power to these leading Fulani families. He is also the brain behind the city of Sokoto. After the success of the Fulani jihad, Muhammed Bello wanted to build a new city to mirror the Islamic faith and to present a stable instead of pastoral image of Fulani's. In 1809, the building of Sokoto started, mosques were strategically placed in different corners of the city for easy accessibility and some houses where constructed with Islamic architectural patterns. He also facilitated and encouraged the building of new towns, especially in the western region of the caliphate.
One of Bello's daughters married future Toucouleur jihadist El Hadj Umar Tall.

“The contract with Muslim leaders (a’ima) is only annulled when the objectives of leadership has been rendered null and void, like apostasy, recognized madness, or when the leader has been made a war captive or imprisoned and there is no hope of him being freed, likewise by a sickness which causes the leader to forget knowledge, by blindness, deafness or muteness, or when he removes himself due to his inability to establish the welfare of the Muslims…”.
Scholarship

Muhammed Bello is probably the foremost Hausaland writer on Islamic in the entire pre-colonial period.”. Many of his writings have been collected.

Abu Bakr Atiku was the brother of Muhammed Bello and the third sultan of sokoto

Abu Bakr Atiku (1782–1842) was sultan of the Sokoto Caliphate or Fulani Empire from 26 October 1837 until November 1842. He was the brother of Muhammed Bello.



Re: Great Leaders In Nigeria's History Before Total Colonisation
« #109 on: May 27, 2011, 03:35 AM »

Dan Halima, Usuman Masa, Karari and other Great Hausa/fulani/kanuri warriors in kebbi and sokoto

In the first half of the century it was the diehards of Gobir and Katsina who caused the Sultans the greatest trouble and anxiety, but in the second half, with the submission of Dan Halima and the founding of Sabon Birni, the pattern changed. Thereafter, as already mentioned, raids from the north fell increasingly on Katsina, Kano, and Zaria Emirates, while the pressure on Zamfara and Sokoto was eased. But so far as Sokoto was concerned, this shift was counterbalanced by the resurgence of Kebbi. By 1875, in fact, the Kebbawa and their allies, the Arewa and Zabermawa, had become a major threat to the strength and stability of the Empire.
In the early days of the jihad, it will be recalled, the Fulani had invaded Kebbi, sacked the capital, and driven out the Chief, Muhammadu Hodi. In his place they had installed their puppet, Usuman Masa, but in the crisis following the defeat at Alwasa he had proved false and had turned against them. After the victory of Gwandu, therefore, they had hunted him down and killed him.
Before the defection of Usuman Masa the Fulani had been disposed to treat the Kebbawa in the same way as the Zamfarawa, assuming that they were friendly unless they showed hostility and ruling them through their own Chiefs. Betrayal had brought disillusionment, however, and Usuman Masa's treachery had caused them to reverse this policy. Thenceforward Kebbi was no longer regarded as an ally but treated instead as a defeated enemy. The towns that resisted were reduced and the Hausa ruling classes, if they had not already fled, were deprived of their offices and titles and replaced by Fulani whose loyalty to the régime could be relied upon 1.
The resistance put up by Muhammadu Hodi in the Zamfara Valley and then by Karari in Argungu and Zazzagawa has already been described in an earlier chapter. It will be recalled that after Karari's death his son Yakubu Nabame had thrown himself on the mercy of the Fulani, that his life had been spared, and that for sixteen years he had lived as an exile at the Court in Sokoto and Wurno. Bello, magnanimous by nature, accorded to him the privileges that befitted his birth and breeding. With the passage of time, moreover, he gradually won the trust of the Fulani so that, when the easy-going and genial Aliyu Babba succeeded as Sultan, he seems to have been treated almost as if he were a member of the family 2.
It was the special trust which Aliyu reposed in him that led in the end to the termination of his banishment. In about the year 1847 the Gobirawa diehards raided the town of Gora in central Sokoto. A Fulani expedition was quickly dispatched to intercept them and with it the Sultan sent his eldest son Umaru, entrusting him, as he was still young and inexperienced, to the special care of Yakubu. In the fighting that followed Yakubu saved Umaru's life and the Sultan, in gratitude, told him to seek whatever favour he pleased. Yakubu begged to be allowed to return to his own country and his wish was granted 3.
Once back among his own people Yakubu, it seems, began to ponder a taunt that had been hurled at him by the Gobirawa at Gora. He should be fighting with them, they had cried, not by the side of his father's murderers. These words gradually became an obsession with him and at length drove him to rebellion 4. In 1849, like his father before him, he suddenly renounced his allegiance and proclaimed himself to be Chief of Kebbi. So ended eighteen years of peace, the longest truce that there was to be in this war.
Yakubu had prepared the ground with care and, as soon as he raised his standard, men from Kebbi, Arewa, and Zaberma thronged to join it. Sokoto and Gwandu were caught unprepared and before their forces could be concentrated they had suffered a number of sharp reverses. The worst blow of all was the sack of the Fulani stronghold of Silame, which guarded the western approach to Sokoto 5. As soon as the news reached the Sultan he gave orders for his army to be mustered.
When the army had assembled Aliyu himself led it down the Rima Valley. By this time Halilu had succeeded Muhamman as Emir of Gwandu and he joined Aliyu to lay siege to Argungu just as Bello and Muhamman had done eighteen years earlier 6. There the parallel ended, however, for the results of the two expeditions were to be very different.
There is no better example than this of what an ineffective Sultan Aliyu was. Because of the excessive trust that he had reposed in Yakubu he had brought about a serious rebellion in the west at a time when he was barely holding his own with the Gobir and Katsina diehards in the north. It was obvious that he must move heaven and earth to scotch this revolt before it gained strength and momentum. To do this he only needed to storm Argungu and recapture Yakubu. But instead his patience gave out or his resolution wavered and, after sustaining the siege for some time, he raised it and marched away 7. In doing so he was acquiescing in the revival of the Hausa State of Kebbi and making the first important surrender of territory that had taken place anywhere except in Bornu since the original conquests. He was also condemning his successors in Sokoto and Gwandu to fifty years of hard and unprofitable fighting.
The resurgent State of Kebbi now bore the shape of a wedge driven into the flank of the Fulani Empire. In the west Arewa, Dandi, and Zaberma formed the broad base of this wedge. In the centre it narrowed down to the four walled towns of Augi, Zazzagawa, Gulma, and Sauwa. And in the cast its heavily armoured tip, the town of Argungu, was inserted into the vulnerable joint between Sokoto and Gwandu. During the five decades of fighting that was to take place along these frontiers each part of the Kebbi wedge was to play its part. Arewa and Zaberma were to supply a steady stream of new recruits. The walled towns in the centre were to provide the necessary defensive stiffening. And Argungu was to serve as the bridgehead for the raids and forays with which the Kebbawa now started harrying the Fulani.
In the course of one of these raids Yakubu. Nabame was mortally wounded and thus became the fourth successive Chief of Kebbi to perish in this contest. To the Fulani, who remembered only the young man spared by Muhamman and befriended by Bello and Aliyu, he was a rebel and a double-dyed traitor. To the Kebbawa, on the other hand, he was an heroic figure, like Wallace or Bruce, who snapped the fetters of servitude and led his people back to dignity and freedom.

Yakubu was succeeded by his brother, Yusufu Mainasara, and the war went on 8. The main battlefield was the flood plain of the Rima River, which hereabout is three or four miles wide. During the height of the rains it becomes a broad sheet of water, but in the dry season, when the floods have gone, it dries out into a flat, treeless expanse of clay, clothed in coarse grass or thorn-scrub and cut up at intervals by the shifting channels of the river. The Kebbi fortresses of Augi, Gulma, and Sauwa were all situated on the edge of this flood-plain and looked across it to Fulani fortresses on the other side. During the campaigning season it became a no-man's land across which the war was fought.
Here, in 1859, the Kebbawa suffered yet another set-back.
Mainassara was in Argungu when a message was brought to him
saying that the Fulani had launched a surprise attack on Gulma. He immediately sprang to arms and, accompanied by such men as he had been able to collect, set out to ride across the valley, but on the way he and his party were ambushed by a superior Gwandu force and he was killed. His head was cut off and taken back to Gwandu town, where it was fixed over the main gate 9. He thus became the last of the five Chiefs of Kebbi who fell in this war.
Haliru had recently succeeded his elder brother Halilu as Emir of Gwandu and for him this was a great triumph. In the following year, however, he was to suffer an identical fate. For a reason which has never been clearly explained, he then decided to by-pass the Kebbi towns that stood in the front line and attack a remote place of secondary importance called Karakara, which lay far to the west. The Kebbawa, however, seem to have got wind of this plan. At any rate, they had time to prepare an ambush and Haliru, falling into their trap, was surrounded and killed. His head, like his victim's, was then cut off and borne back to Argungu 10.
The new Chief of Kebbi, Muhammadu Ware, did not live long to enjoy his triumph. On his early death he was succeeded by Abdullahi Toga, another son of Karari. At first this change made little difference, but in 1867, when Ahmadu Rufa'i became Sultan in Sokoto, the political scene was suddenly transformed.
Ahmadu Rufa'i, who was a son of Shehu, was an elderly man when he was elected. Being pious and retiring by nature, he had already been passed over three times when Aliyu Babba, Ahmadu Zaruku, and Aliyu Karami, who all belonged to the next generation, had been made Sultan before him. During their reigns he had lived at Silame and had only just escaped when the place had been sacked by the Kebbawa. Indeed, if tradition is to be believed, he had lost members of his family and household during the fighting 11.
These experiences, in other men, might have engendered a thirst for revenge. In Ahmadu Rufa'i, however, they had the opposite effect. As has already been mentioned, he had the perception to see that there were only two ways of dealing with the rebellion in Kebbi: either to crush it or else to accept it as a fact. Being a man of peace, he chose the second course.
In 1867, therefore, Ahmadu Rufa'i and Abdullahi Toga made a treaty of peace. Under its terms the Fulani recognized the independence of Kebbi and agreed that all the territory that the Kebbawa had recovered was to remain in their hands 12. This treaty, though it represented an important success for the Kebbawa, was by no means a triumph for them. While confirming them in the possession of Argungu and most of the territory beyond the river, it nevertheless left the Fulani as masters of much more than half of their erstwhile State.
The peace, which is known to history as the Peace of Toga, lasted from 1867 to 1875. It marked the end of another stage in the war and, apart from the eighteen years when Yakubu Nabame was either a fugitive or an exile, was the only period during the whole century when there was a real pause in this bitter struggle.
The Peace of Toga came to an end in 1875 because the people of the Kebbi town of Fanna in the Lower Rima Valley, on account of some now forgotten quarrel with Argungu, decided to transfer their allegiance to Gwandu. The Emir agreed to their doing so, but the Kebbawa construed the action as a breach of the treaty and by way of reprisal seized ten thousand head of Fulani cattle. This naturally provoked retaliation from the Fulani and hostilities began again 13.
In the early stages of its resumption the war centred upon the town of Giru, which stood opposite Fanna on the east side of the Lower Rima Valley. Sarkin Shiko, its ruler, declared for Argungu and defied the Emir of Gwandu, now Mustafa, to do his worst. The Fulani's first attack failed and so Mustafa summoned reinforcements from Nupe. When these arrived Giru was invested and, after a four-month siege, captured 14.
The fact that the Gwandu Fulani were unable to take a small town like Giru without the help of their vassals showed how far their power had already declined. The truth was that, ever since Abdullahi's death, the theory of their status being equal to Sokoto's had been little more than a polite fiction. The resurgence of Kebbi exposed the limitations to Gwandu's power and at the same time drastically reduced the base from which it was exercised 15.
After the fall of Giru the focus of the war moved north to the Argungu-Gwandu sector. The Kebbawa launched a major assault on Ambursa, but failed to take it and the Fulani were no more successful when they attacked Gulma.
In the main, however, it was a war of forays and ambushes rather than sieges and pitched battles. It threw up its own champions, such as the Zarumin Kola of Gwandu, the Galadima Dan Waje of Kebbi, and the Magaji Jan Borodo, who fought first for one side and then for the other 16. Being constantly engaged on a relatively narrow front, the contestants came to know the methods and tactics of their adversaries and were always striving to outwit and overreach one another.
It was, in fact, a moss trooper's war and it bears many striking resemblances to the border warfare of the English and Scots. If anything, however, it was even more bloody and relentless. The rank and file might surrender and hope to purchase their lives with their liberty, but for men of quality there was no question of quarter or ransom. Those who were unhorsed settled themselves on their outspread shields in the posture of prayer, as Karari and Mainasara had done, and with their rosaries in their hands stoically waited for their enemies to dispatch them.

The last phase of this struggle between the Fulani and Kebbawa was dominated by Sama'ila, the son of Yakubu Nabame. He was born in 1842 at the time when his father was an exile in Sokoto. As a small boy of seven or eight he must have been present at the siege of Argungu and he grew up in a soldier's world of patrols and raids.
In stature Sama'ila was not unusually tall, but his frame, with broad shoulders and deep chest, was exceptionally lithe and powerful. He took great pride in the profession of arms and from his youth he trained himself in the use of every weapon, being especially deadly, it is said, with the javelin. Moreover, he studied to harden himself so that he never betrayed pain or fear. As a soldier, in fact, he matched great natural gifts with ruthlessness and dedication. But there was more to him than just this. He also had a strong personality, which was made more formidable by the fact that he was by nature rather taciturn and morose, and as he matured he showed outstanding gifts of leadership 17. Most important of all, he possessed a flair for guerilla warfare that amounted almost to genius.

In Sokoto, in the meantime, the peace-loving Sultan Ahmadu Rufa'i had died in 1873. According to the tradition of alternation, it had still been the turn of the house of Atiku to provide a successor, but again they had failed to produce a suitable candidate. The succession had therefore gone in turn to two sons of Bello, first to Abubakr na Rabah and then, on his death in 1877, to Mu'azu. When he in turn had died in 1881, the claims of the Atikawa had again been passed over and Umaru, the eldest of Bello's grandsons, had been appointed Sultan.
This Umaru, now a man of fifty-seven, was the same son of Aliyu Babba whose life had been saved by Yakubu Nabame thirty-three years earlier in the fight at Gora. He had not forgotten his debt and when he succeeded he at once sent an embassy to Argungu, where Toga was still Chief, proposing peace. But unfortunately the war party, led by the renegade Fulani, Jan Borodo, was in the ascendant there and so the Fulani overtures were rejected 18.
Having failed to make peace, the new Sultan decided to mount an expedition against Argungu, which was now the recognized capital of Kebbi as well as being its bridgehead on the east bank of the Rima. Command was entrusted to an experienced but ageing freedman called Sarkin Lifidi Lefau 19. This time the Kebbawa did not shut themselves up in the town, as they had on both previous occasions, but decided to risk a battle in the open. For the first time command of the whole Kebbi army was given to Sama'ila. It was a great opportunity, which he seized with both hands. The Fulani forces were intercepted near Argungu and, according to tradition, it was a javelin hurled by Sama'ila himself that brought the Fulani commander down and turned the tide of the battle. Certainly, Lefau was killed and his army routed 20.
For Sama'ila this victory came at a most opportune moment. In the following year the old Chief Toga died and he was elected to succeed. Endowed now with supreme military and political power, he soon began to display his genius for this kind of warfare.
The remarkable run of successes that Sama'ila achieved between 1883 and 1903 was based on accurate intelligence and good tactics. In the collection of intelligence, to which he devoted infinite pains, he was far ahead of any of his contemporaries. In his tactics he relied mainly on surprise and shock. By riding out of Argungu at nightfall he could get into position by first light on the following day for an attack on almost any town in northern Gwandu or southwestern Sokoto, and this is what he normally did.
As Sama'ila's list of victories grew, so the superstitions that clustered about him multiplied. His famous bay was said to be no horse but a jinn and he himself was reputed to be able to change himself at will into an animal so that he could reconnoitre the towns which he proposed to attack. As a shrewd commander he played on the fears that his name inspired and often intimidated his enemies into flight or surrender. If a town opened its gates he contented himself with carrying off the booty and captives that he wanted and forbore from sacking or burning it. If it resisted, however, he delivered it up to fire and the sword 21.
In the space of twenty years Sama'ila is said to have captured ninety Fulani towns and villages 22. Probably, a majority of these were mall places protected only by stockades, but many must have been walled towns and among them there were certainly a few real fortresses such as Gande, Shagari, Kajiji, and Aliero 23. All the countryside lying within reach of Argungu was ravaged by him and when the British arrived in 1903 they were appalled at the havoc that he had wrought. Here is the report of Burdon, the first Resident of Sokoto Province.

Throughout the whole distance from Shagari to Ambursa, all round Gwandu and north-east to within twenty miles of Sokoto, I was much impressed by the devastation wrought by the Kebbawa, much of it within the last eight years. The country is strewn with the ruins of towns 24.
There is no doubt that during the last two decades of the century the Kebbawa, under the inspired leadership of Sama'ila, not only held their own but took the war to the Fulani. Gwandu suffered most, but Sokoto, too, was distracted and weakened. Moreover, these events took place at the very time when, as we shall see in the next chapter, the approach of Rabeh from the east and the British from the south made it imperative for the Sultans to be strong and vigilant. For this reason, even though the Kebbi wars were fought in a restricted theatre and on a limited scale, they nevertheless played an important part in determining the fate of the Empire.

Sunni Ali one of the first Hausa kings before the introduction of Islam

The first historical references date to the time when the area came under Songhay rule during the reign of Sunni Ali (1464–1492). Muhammadu Kanta, a Hausa immigrant from Kuyambana in southern Katsina became de-facto military governor of the Songhay sub-province of Kebbi, and declared his independence in 1516. The Kebbi kingdom was considered one of the Banza Bakwai ("seven bastards") or seven "illegitimate" Hausa states. The rulers of these states traced their lineage to a concubine of the Hausa founding father, Bayajidda, hence the name.

Kebbi became a major power in the region, resisting Songhay attacks, expanding into the Yauri and Nupe lands to the south and defeating attempts by the Bornu Empire to invade and occupy the Hausa states. However, after Kanta's death in 1556 the Hausa states stopped paying tribute, and his son and successor Ahmadu did not attempt to force the issue. By the end of the sixteenth century Kebbi had become a minor kingdom.

Sarkin Yauri Garba the first of Yauri kingdom(kebbi) before mali invasion

The area was first settled by an eastern group around early 1000-1200 AD, predominantly by a Benue-Congo linguistic group, the Kamberis. Then for a brief period of time, Yauri was invaded by Mali and it incorporated a few Songhai invaders into its social structure. The increasing agricultural surplus exhibited by the early settlers and the availability of fertile land near a river brought in a diverse and malleable group of migrants seeking fertile land to farm, and the groups were initially dominated by the Gungawas. This became the second wave of migration into Yauri. Around the seventeenth century, this group waged a war over the Kamberis and became the dominant political group in the area under the first Emir of Yauri, Sarkin Yauri Garba.

However, by the eighteenth century, slave raiding had clipped the political and economic structures of the area. The need for a much more powerful political entity became necessary in order to strengthen the emirate against slave raiders from without. A movement by the ruling and malleable Gungawas to assimilate with the dominant Hausas in the region led to a gradual inter-ethnic political relationship with Hausas. However, in early nineteenth century, the success of the Funlani jihad made Yauri a tributary state of Gwandu.

Ali II of Bornu one of the early ruler of Borno which was before Ali III

Alhaji Ali (also Ali bin Umar) was Mai (ruler) of the Bornu Empire, in what is now the African states of Chad, Nigeria, and Niger, from 1639 to around 1680. Ali succeeded his father Umar in 1639 and had a relatively long reign. During the early years of his reign, the empire was threatened with incursions from its neighbors, the Taureg in the north and the Kwararafa in the south. He was able to hold both forces at bay and finally defeated them in 1668. After his victory, he consolidated his kingdom, controlling the vital trans-Saharan trade routes, and rekindling Islamic teaching in the empire. He is remembered for his piety, constructing four mosques and making three Hadj pilgrimages to Mecca.


Muhammad Bin Muhammad Al-Fullani Al-Kashinawi
This is also not a political leader but a great mathematician that hailed from Katsina.
In 1732 he wrote a manuscript (in Arabic) of procedures for constructing magic squares up to order 11.
He died in 1741 in Cairo.


Mai Dâwûd of Kanuri borno and the inter-borno civil war

Already in the time of Mai Dunama II a revolt broke out.  According to Ibn-Fartuwa, Dunama opened the sacred Muani box and by doing so let all the power of the dynasty escape.  Dunama�s two sons followed him on the throne and a rivalry grew up between their two families.  One family was eliminated and the second split into two more rival clans. Mai Dâwûd (1353-56) not only had to contend with civil war, but also with external aggression from the Bulala, a people east of Kanem related to the Kanuri.  In the reign of Mai cUmar (1380-88) the royal family abandoned Kanem to the Bulala and fled to Borno, where the Kanuri immigrants proceeded to subjugate and gradually assimilate the native So people.

Dynastic strife continued in Borno, leaving the land in anarchy, except for the few years of Mai Ibrâhîm (1432-40) who reimposed tribute on Kano, Katsina and Gwangara ( a state subsidiary to Katsina).   Mai cAli Gaji Dunama (1476-1503) restored stability to the dynasty and peace to Borno. He built Ngazargamu, which remained the capital of Borno until 1811, and maintained diplomatic relations with Tripoli.  cAlî Gaji�s son, Mai Idrîs Katakarmabe (1503-26), defeated the Bulala and reincorporated Kanem into the empire, leaving the Bulala dynasty to rule as his vassals.  His grandson, Mai cAlî (1545-7), joined the Tuaregs of Agades against Kanta of Kebbi, but Kanta drove him back.  The next two rulers suffered reverses in raids from the Tubu and the Tuareg from the north, from Kano in the west, from the Bulala of Kenme in the east, and from the Kwararafa (Jukun) in the south.

In 1551 the Ottomans took Tripoli form the Knights of St. John who had held it since 1510.  The Ottomans in Tripoli (in contrast to Algiers) showed a continued interest in trans-Saharan trade, again mainly in slaves.  Large numbers of male slaves were destined for the Egyptian army.  Even as early as the 11th century there were 30,000 black troops in Cairo, while female slaves were usually destined for the bedrooms of Arab shaykhs in North Africa and the Middle East.  The Borno empire owed its existence to the demand for slaves, and regularly carried out raids on peoples living to the south.  Practically no gold passed through Borno to North Africa, but ivory was a second export article of value.  For local currency, copper imported form Takedda was used.  Other trade items were salt and alum (imported from Bilma), natron (exported to other West African regions), perfume (imported or produced locally from civet cats) and ostrich feathers (exported to North Africa).  Kola was imported form Gonja from the 15th century, but cowries became common currency only in the mid-19th century.  Like Songhay, the Borno empire appears to have served only the interests of a trading oligarchy by importing luxury goods for their enjoyment without developing local production and the lot of the common man.

Idrîs Aloma (1571-1603), whose first twelve years of rule are recorded by his imâm Ibn-Fartuwa, restored the power of the empire.  Early in his reign he went on pilgrimage, and in Egypt learned about firearms and brought supplies of them back to Borno together with Turks to teach his army how to use them.  Although Borno soldiers learned the art of using guns, this expertise never took root in West Africa until late in the 19th century.  Even when guns were available, the horsemen were more adept at traditional weapons and fired shots mainly to cause panic.  With his military advantage, Mai Idrîs expanded his empire in all directions.  In the south he took many slaves, as was usual in a jihâd against pagans, but spared many of the conquered peoples and tried to incorporate them into his empire. In the west he punished Kano, taking all but their Dala hill.  In the north he chastened the Tubu and Tuareg who were raiding his people. Although he reimposed his authority over Kanem, he never tried to retake Fezzân, the fief of the former Kanem empire.

Ibn-Fartuwa praised his master Mai Idrîs for his promotion of Islam and its laws, and notes that in the time of his grandson Idrîs ibn-cAlî ibn-Idrîs, �all the notable people became Muslims except atheists and hypocrites and malevolent persons


Daura the mother of the Hausa states

A well-known legend makes Daura the mother of the Hausa states.  Following the pattern of so many other Muslim-inspired legends in West Africa, the founding ancestor of the Hausa states was an Arab, in this case a man from Baghdad named Bayajidda, the Hausa equivalent of Abû-Yazîd.  He first migrated to Borno but because of plots against him fled to Daura.  There he killed the sacred snake which lived in a well, and as a reward was married by the queen.  Their son Bawo had seven children who founded the seven states (Hausa bakwai) of Biram, Daura, Katsina, Zaria, Kano, Rano and Gobir.  Of these Biram and Rano never became important.  Another �spurious seven� states (Banza bakwai) are added: Zamfara, Kebbi (both Hausa speaking), Gwari (with its own language), Yauri (a Hausa colony among other peoples), Nupe, Yoruba and Kwararafa (Jukun).  The latter three are in no way Hausa.  Muhammad Bello, in his Infâq al-maysûr, substitutes Borgu for Gwari.  These �spurious seven� are places which came under Hausa influence.  Any of the Hausa kingdoms is made up of many subgroups brought together by political expediency or the imposition of one group on its neighbours.  There are Hausa people who belong to none of the above mentioned kingdoms, such as the Mawri and Arawa, clusters of Hausa clans who were subject at times to Kebbi or Gobir, but most often lived in independent isolation.

Daura was a small town which never was very important, but its pre-eminence in the legend may be due to its proximity to Borno, and tribute from the Hausa states to Borno likely passed through Daura.


The powerful ruler of Gobir Askiya Muhammad

Gobir began as a state around the 12th or 13th century in the Aïr mountains.  Leo Africanus in the 16th century says that Gobir was surrounded by high mountains but that Askiya Muhammad had killed its king and enslaved most of its inhabitants.  According to Boubou Hama, this conquest was the beginning of two centuries of Islamic culture in the Gobir court.6  But the blow that it was, with the addition of Tuareg pressure, may have been the occasion for the Gobir to move their capital to Birnin Lalle in the south. The first king with a Muslim name, however, appears in 1593.  After that names are not consistently Muslim.7

Because of renewed Tuareg pressure, Ciroma, who was king around 1700, moved the capital further south to Maigali and later to Goran Rami in Zamfara territory near the present Sabon Birni. In the early 18th century Gobir became strong, raiding the Jerma and Gurma to the west and Ilorin territory, where many Gobir people settled.  Thus the Yoruba word for a Hausa man is �Gambari�, perhaps from �Gobir�.

During the reign of Babari (1742-70) Gobir turned its aggression eastward to Katsina, Kano and Borno territory, and attacked its former ally Zamfara.  Babari also built the new capital Alkalawa.  Under Bawa Jan Gwarzo (1777-95) Gobir was weakened by many battles on all fronts.  The king�s two sons were killed fighting against Katsina, and Bawa died of sorrow 40 days afterwards.  His brother Yakuba an Babari (1795-1800) continued battling on all sides until he himself was killed while fighting against Katsina.  Yunfa an Nafata (1803-8) was defeated by the fulani forces of cUthmân dan Fodiye who destroyed Alkalawa in 1808.  Gobir lost much of its territory to Sokoto, but survived throughout the 19th century in what is now Niger Republic, with its capital at Birnin Konni.


General Muhammad Kanta (1512 - 1517)

As a historical state Kebbi began as a province of the Songhay empire.  The general Muhammad Kanta brought the area under Songhay control in campaigns between 1512 and 1517.  During the division of spoils after a Songhay victory against the town of Agadez, Kanta, thinking he was not getting his fair share, revolted against the Askiya and set up Kebbi as an independent state.  He built the towns of Gungu, the nearby Silame (whose ruins are 50 kms west of Sokoto), and his capital Surame, 16 kms north of Gungu.

Kanta expanded his realm to include Yauri and Nupeland, setting up the vassal state of Gabi at Mokwa.  Kanta and Mai cAlî of Borno contested hegemony over the Hausa states lying between them.  while once returning form the pursuit of Mai cAlî, Kanta engaged the Katsina army and was killed by an arrow at Rimin an Ashita (southeast of Katsina) around 1561.

Kebbi survived the fall of Songhay in 1591.  Perhaps out of fear of the Moroccans, it did not intervene to the save the insurgent Askiya Nûh, even though the latter complimented the Kebbi king by sending him the head of the Moroccan Pasha Mahmûd.  Around 1700, because of insecurity in the kingdom, the king Tomo moved the capital from Surame to Birnin Kebbi.   In 1715 a successful coup and a severe defeat by Zamfara greatly weakened Kebbi. In 1805 Muhammad Hodi was driven out of Birnin Kebbi by cAbdallâh dan Fodiye (brother of cUthmân), but the kingdom continued at Argungu until the coming of the British, when it was subjected to Sokoto.

[Leo Africanus (on Gobir & Kebbi):] The kingdom of Gobir is about 300 miles east of Gao.  Between these two kingdoms there is a desert with little water, since it is about 40 miles the Niger.  Gobir has very many shepherd villages, and they have many sheep and cattle, but they are small.  The people generally are very civilized.  They have many weavers of cloth and shoe-makers, who produce shoes like those worn by the Romans long ago.  The export these shoes to Timbuktu.  I have never seen the like in Italy, but I think they can be found in Spain. When the Niger fills up, iit floods all the plains and surrounds the inhabited areas.  They have the custom of sowing grain on the flood plain. One of the villages is very large, having 6,000 households.  It is inhabited by local and foreign traders.  The residence and the court of the king used to be there, but in our times he was captured and put to death by Askiya, king of Timbuktu.8 Ishâq also took the grandchildren of the king of Gobir as hostages and made them serve in his palace.  He is now master of this kingdom and has placed his governor there.  The people are weighed down by taxes.  Before it was prosperous because of booming trade. But now it is empovrished and half as populated as it used to be, since Askiya took away a great number of the men. He keeps them captive and some of them as slaves.

king, Muhammad Abû (c. 1505-1530) and Queen Bakwa (1536-67) with present day Abuja coming into play

The ancient name of Zaria was Zazzau; it was also known as Zakzak or Zagzeg.  A state of some sort may have existed in the area around the 12th century, based at Turuku, about 30 kms south of the present Zaria city.  The 18th king, Muhammad Abû (c. 1505-30) seems to have been the first Muslim.  In the reign of Queen Bakwa (1536-67) the capital was moved to its present site. In 1566 this queen was succeeded by her general Karama until in 1576 her daughter �mina became queen.  She and her younger sister Zaria, after whom the city is named, were great fighters and extended their power south of the Niger-Benue confluence.  �mina died at Ategara, near present-day Idah, and her sister Zaria died at Yauri.

From 1734 Zaria, with the other Hausa states, was overrun by Borno and became tributary to it.  Islam was quite weak among the Zaria kings at the end of the 18th century.  The Hausa dynasty was expelled by the Fulani in 1808 and fled to Abuja (now Suleja) where it continues today.

[Leo Africanus:] Zagzag is a land that lies southeast of Kano, but is about 150 miles from Katsina.  It is inhabited by a rich population that is engaged in trading throughout the region.  One part of the region is very hot, another very cold, so much so that to survive the cold season the inhabitants light many fires on the floors of their houses.  When they sleep, they put them under their beds, which are raised over the ground. Nevertheless the land produces fruit and has much water and grain.  Their houses and villages are like those described above.  There was an independent king in this country, but he was killed by Askiya who declared himself ruler of this kingdom as well.


This has a bit of myth to it but a great leader was born from it
Nri Ifikuanim founder of the Nri kingdom and his wives


Eri settled and established in the middle of Anambra river valley where he married two wives. The first wife, Nneamakụ, bore him five children. The first was Agulu, the founder of Aguleri, the second was Nri Ifikuanim, the founder of Umunri/Kingdom of Nri, followed by Nri Onugu, the founder of Igbariam and Ogbodulu, the founder of Amanuke. The fifth one was a daughter called Iguedo, who is said to have born the founders of Nteje, and Awkuzu, Ogbunike, Umuleri, Nando and Ogboli in Onitsha. As one of the children of Eri, Nri Ifikuanim migrated from Aguleri, which was and still is, the ancestral temple of the people, in search of a place of settlement. His second wife Oboli begot Ọnọja, the only son who founded the Igala Kingdom in Kogi State.[1]
Eri is the founder of Umueri and Umunri clans which was the most influential and powerful dynasty of priests, diviners, and civilizing agents in Igboland and adjacent areas such as the Bini and Igala/Idoma areas. He and his children are responsible for the Igbo Ukwu sites, Four market days, Ozo/nze title systems, Igu alu, and other practices of the Igbo people and their neighbors.


The first Osemawe of Ondo Princess Olu Pupupu

The Royal Ascendancy and Osemawe Institution of Ondo Ekimogun Kingdom started from the period of 1510 AD when the then Princess Olu Pupupu daughter of the late Alaafin of Oyo Oba Oluaso, a descendant of Oduduwa ended her journey with Royal entourage at a foot of a hill known in Ondo town up till today as Oke Agunla. The fact established through various historians about Ondo Kingdom especially our eminent fore-fathers and educationist’s researchers that upon arrival of Princess Olu Pupupu at the hill, they spotted a smoke rising from far below and followed its direction down the the hill where they met a man whose simply pronounced his name as Ekiri, he was neither a hunter or a farmer.

He (Ekiri) welcomes Princess Pupupu and her Royal entourage with open arms embraced them warmly and later led them to a place known till today as Oriden near Ifore where every attempt to stick the yam stake to the ground prove abortive. It is said that they were happy and exclaimed Edo du do, edo do, idi edo which later transformed to Ondo. It is not certain that Princess Pupupu became Osemawe of Ondo immediately but with her Royal Status, she might have ascended the throne soon afterwards and it was presumed to be the year 1516 AD.

1. Oba Olu Pupupu, daughter of Alaafin of Oyo Oba Oluaso reigned from 1516-1530 AD
2. Oba Airo, first son of Oba Pupupu ascended the throne after her mother and regarded the seniority set up of Chiefs especially that of High Chief Lisa, who was made senior to High Chief OJomu and for this reason, the Oba was named Airo. He reigned from 1530-1560 AD.


18th century Afonja (Are-Onakakanfo) Sheik Alimi, ILORIN [/size]

These heroes of Ilorin arrived Ilorin at different times and in different circumstances.

Sheik Alimi was an Islamic Missionary propagating Islam and its teachings across the land. He sojourned for many years through villages and towns across Yoruba land. He had followers with whom he moved around to establish the tenets and principles of Islam. He was temporarily settled at Kuwo village very close to Ilorin where he built mosques and houses. From Kuwo, Sheik Alimi continued to explore other territories where he could spread and establish his beliefs and settle down permanently.

During the course of his exploration, Sheik Alimi discovered a river that flows through villages, which he sought to know its origin. That river is river Asabuh known today as river Asa. He traced the origin of the river to the present day Ilorin. He thus began to visit the area with the aim of propagating Islam. He later settled at a hamlet within the vicinity of the river. The hamlet was occupied by the Fulani, his kinsmen. The hamlet was known as Gaa Fulani and headed by Olufadi. Around this location were other hamlets like Idiape, Okesuna, and Gambari which also had their traditional heads. Within these hamlets was a major spot where there was a big stone that was used by the locals to sharpen their metal objects such as farm implements. That spot where the stone is located was referred to as Ilo-Irin. It served as a meeting point for the locals to interact. Unfortunately, Sheik Alimi could not interact with the people due to language barrier so he relied on Olufadi, his host, to interpret for him As Sheik Alimi began to interact with the people with the aid of Olufadi, he warmed his way into the heart of the people.

Meanwhile, Afonja, the Are-Onakakanfo of Oyo Ile, a war commander of the then Alaafin Aole of Yorubas was in a nearby hamlet, close to Gaa Fulani seeking refuge having lost a war, the Iwere war. In the then Yoruba tradition, a warlord must win any war failing which he must commit suicide.

Having lost a war and not ready to die, Afonja fled his native land, Oyo Ile, to escape the wrath of the Alaafin. He therefore sought refuge at Idiape. While in the community, Afonja with his status as a veteran warrior became very influential and powerful. He soon began to threaten peoples of nearby hamlets which hitherto have their leaders such as Gambari that had Hausa people with their leader known as Sarkin Gambari, Okesuna headed by Solagberu and even Gaa Fulani where Olufadi was.

However, as at the time of Sheik Alimi's arrival at Gaa Fulani, there was palpable tension in the hamlet and its environs occasioned by the threat of Alaafin to invade the hamlets and effect the arrest of the fugitive Are-Onakakanfo, Afonja. Afonja had sought the support of the people around him to protect him by not allowing Alaafin's soldiers to penetrate the hamlets, let alone, effect his arrest.

It is in the light of the forgoing, that news filtered to Afonja that a spiritualist with awesome power was in their midst i.e. Sheik Alimi. Afonja contacted Sheik Alimi and an agreement was reached that they will work together to defeat the Alaafin 's army. When the Alaafin army came calling, they were utterly defeated and this deepened the relationship between Afonja and Sheik Alimi. Afonja encouraged Sheik Alimi to take up permanent residence in that area with a promise of sharing war bounties together. From time to time, during the course of wars, any captured prisoners of war will be divided and Sheik Alimi will have his share. While Afonja used his as slaves, Sheik Alimi converted his own P.O.W to Muslims and subsequently set them free to normal lives devoid acrimony or animosity. This kind gesture of Sheik Alimi endeared him to many people of diverse cultures with in the hamlets who saw him as a compassionate person.

However after so many internal and external wars which further polarized the camps of both men and made them suspicious of each other, an eventual confrontation ensued and Alimi defeated Afonja. Having defeated Afonja, Sheik Alimi extended a hand of friendship to other hamlets nearby and formed a larger community with a common belief and destiny, which he headed. That community is now known as Ilorin . The city was named after that major meeting point of the people as a testimony of the unity of the people.


Ogiso Owodo, Ekaladerhan/Oduduwa  (This is most plausible history of Oduduwa to me)

Ogiso Owodo (1059-1100 CE), was the thirty-first and last Ogiso of Igodomigodo. He freed the slaves. He was considered a weak king because he could not handle Osogan who was a thorn in his flesh during his reign. Ogiso Owodo had only one child, a son called Ekaladerhan, born around 1070 by Imade, a concubine, despite Ogiso having many wives. In attempt to unravel the cause of his wives not being able to bear children, he sent his first wife Esagho and three male messengers, namely Osaghae, Osagiede and a fourth person to consult an oracle. Details of what happened have been preserved for centuries in palace folklore and practice and who better to provide this than an illustrious Edo prince soaked in the tradition.

According to the book, Ekaladerhan, written by His Royal Highness, Ovbia Oba Edun Agharese Akenzua, the Ogie-Obazuwa, published by Ukhege Heights, Benin City, 2008, Odionmwan and his aids, Omokpaomwan and Osifo were summoned to appear at noon before Ogiso Owodo, because there was a job for the executioners. The prison cells were empty, so they did not know who was going to be executed.

They brought out their whetstone, some lime and ash and began to sharpen and polish their swords. A stranger in his mid 50s approached them and said he wanted to share something with them but that they had to take an oath with him before he could reveal it. They wondered why they should take an oath with the stranger and tried to dismiss him. He insisted that he would not leave until they took the oath and heard him out. With the swords put together, the intruder untied an edge of his cloth to bring out a kolanut and some ehien-edo (allegator pepper). He incised his arm with the tip of the sword and asked the others to do likewise. He plucked a cocoyam leaf to collect the blood from the four of them, broke the kolanut, dipped the pieces in the blood and placed them on the sword. Then, he added three ehien-edo seeds.

The three men placed their hands on the sword and swore not to divulge the information they were about to receive. Each of them took a piece of the kolanut and one seed of the ehien-edo and chewed them with a sip of water. Then the intruder began to speak: “I was one of the four persons sent by the Ogiso to the oracle to find out why his wives could not bear children. Esagho was one of us. The Obiro revealed that a sorceress had cast the spell on Ogiso´s wives to prevent them from bearing children. The sorceress must be destroyed and her blood sprinkled on the shrine of Olode. She is an evil woman, I can see her face. She is trying to hide but can´t. Her name is Esagho, Ogiso´s wife.

“On the way home, in stormy whether, Esagho ripped off cloth from her waist.” Seeing the nakedness of an Ogiso´s wife carried the death penalty. “We lowered our gaze and screamed, what is this? She accused us of removing her cloth to violation her. violation you, we screamed. One of us tried to strangle her for lying but the rest of us restrained him. We fell on our bellies, buried our faces in the mud and pleaded with her but she would not bulge. She insisted we agree to say that the oracle manipulated Ekaladerhan and not her. We knew that no one would believe our story against hers so, to save our necks, we gave in. On arrival at the palace, Esagho told Ogiso that the oracle declared Ekaladerhan as the Alagbode. That the Alagbode passed over the bridge and burnt it, so he must be sacrificed to the gods for Owodo´s wives to bear him children. This is the genesis of what you are about to do now.”

The executioners could not believe their ears. They asked for the names of the other messengers and the stranger said they were Osaghae and Osagiede and that “they could not live with the treachery so, they drank poison one after the other these last two years. “I have waited for this day to tell what I know. Now that I have done so, I am ready to die,” he said. The executioners debated the issue and decided they would save the life of the prince. They would not want to soil their hands with the blood of the innocent. They would tell the prince what happened and let him escape. The messenger was happy with their decision and asked them to tell the prince the truth at the time of the execution. They took oath again, swearing not to divulge their decision not to execute Ekaladerhan. “If I do, may I become victim of the sword; my body food for the birds; my branches obliterated from the surface of the earth.”

Ekaladerhan had just finished his meal and his best friend and play mate, Okpomwan, was clearing the plates. “Hurry,” Ekaladerhan said, “let´s continue our hunting. The sun has already climbed high. We have to get more lizards for the cats.” There was a knock on the door. Okpomwan answered it. “Greetings from your father,” the leader of the three visitors said. “It is his wish that you accompany us on a journey. He sent you this agba as proof that we act on his authority. Wear it on your right arm.” It was too large for his young slim arm so they cut it and pressed its ends together. Okpomwan wanted to go with the prince but they would not let him. It was a journey for the prince alone. The kids sensed something sinister but were helpless and too young to resist. It was the first time Ekaladerhan was going anywhere without his friend.

They walked and walked. The sun was at the centre of the sky, scorching the earth. The prince was extremely tired. He threatened several times that he could not continue. Eventually at Igo forest, they came face to face with the man who took the oath with the executioners. The executioners and the prince were surprised and the executioners exchanged greetings with the man. He appeared to have materialized by magic and they joked about his mysterious powers. “Who is this man?” The prince asked. The messenger said: “the sun is there but it has no heat. This is the day of the sun without sunshine; the clouds that bear no rain. A strange phenomenon! No wonder, the glory of the land is about to depart.” Odionmwan, leader of the executioners said, “this is the end of the journey.” Then he began slowly to tell Ekaladerhan the reason for the journey, but that they didn´t want the blood of an innocent person on their hands.

“What would you do to me then?” The prince asked. “Leave you here to find your way. Do not return because you will be executed,” Odionmwan said. “Find my way? To where?” The prince said with tears rolling down his cheeks. As the executioners were leaving, he begged them not to leave and asked to be killed instead. He clung to one of them. Odionmwan said to him, “Ekaladerhan, the son of Ogiso, your father ordered that you be executed. We will not spill the blood of the innocent. So wander into the jungles beyond. Do not look back; do not return. Fate may layout pain and sorrow for you, but we layout hope and prayers.” They gave him a hunter´s knife, a bag with some survival items, a cross-bow and arrows, and told him these were all they had to give him along with their hope and prayers. “Go now with Osanobua. Go, good spirits will go with you and guide you.”

Odionmwan brought out a rooster from his bag, cut its neck and smeared their swords with its blood. “It would be the evidence that the deed has been done,” he said. The messenger said, “this place shall henceforth be known as Urhu Okhokho or Aghi de ere yi.” He brought out a short stem of Ikhinmwin from his bag and planted it at the spot to commemorate the event. Then, they freed the man from Ekaladerhan´s grip and headed for home. He ran after them for a while, sobbing, pleading, but it was of no use. He flung himself to the ground, sobbing. Exhausted from sobbing, he did not know when he drifted into sleep. He slept for a long time and woke up refreshed. He realised he was alone in the bowel of the jungle and it was getting dark. He lifted himself slowly from the ground and emboldened by despair, began his journey into the unknown, with the Odionmwan´s parting words ringing in his ears: “do not look back, do not return,” as he kept walking, running and trotting. Light was failing, his legs got tangled in ropes and shrubs now and again. He thought he was being followed. He looked back; saw no one, as he continued running. When it got too dark, he took shelter under a large tree but was too frightened to shut his eyes. He took off the next day, trotting. He had turned his back on the land of his birth, forever. He had been running for three days.

He got to a brook and stopped. The clear water rippled slowly southwards. According to Edun Akenzua´s book, Ekaladerhan: “the bank was full of brightly coloured flowers, some red, others yellow, blue and green. The grass was luscious and equal in height, rising in even progression from the river bank towards the bush. All was neatly arranged as if by a horticulturist, but then, nature is the greatest horticulturist of all. He went down to the brook, stretched his legs out into it and let them bathe in the cool water. It felt good. He scooped some of the water to wash face and drink. Finally, he put his clothes aside and plunged into the shallow water and bathed his entire body. With the birds singing, the butterflies dancing, oblivious of his presence, the trees, the animals for companion and the beautiful brook all to himself, he felt a special bond and decided to settle there. After taking his bath he stretched out on his back on dried leaves for a nap.”

In those days, groups of hunters would go on safaris in the jungle, sometimes for several weeks at a time. Their wives would accompany them. They would pitch camp and from there the men would hunt at night. In the morning, the women would disembowel the game brought from the hunt, clean and stack them up on racks above fire to dehydrate the animals and prevent them from rot. At the end of the expedition, they would take large quantities of dehydrated animal home for family needs and the rest to trade by barter. One day, a band of hunters on a safari got to a piece of land slopping gently into a slow-running brook. The brook was clear and a bush of bamboo trees was near-by. They liked the topography and decided to set up camp there. They cleared the ground and used the bamboo sticks to build their tents while the women cooked yams brought from home. They spent that first night in the camp hoping to start their hunt the following evening.

That night one of the men needed to ease himself and asked the man sleeping next to him to accompany him. He too needed to answer the call of nature. “They picked up their akare and walked some distance away from their camp to squat and empty their bowels a few meters from each other. One suddenly thought he was hearing heavy breathing from under a near-by shrub. He listened attentively and was convinced his ears were not deceiving him. He could trace a form under the shrub in the moonless night. The form moved slightly. He whispered to his colleague that there was something near-by. He raised his hand to train his akare at the form but his friend exclaimed that he should hold it, that it was a man not an animal. A man here in the jungle? What the hell is he doing here by himself? Ekaladerhan recognized them at once as people from Igodomigodo. He joined their camp, told his story and impressed the hunters with his agility and hunting prowess. It was his first human contact since his banishment.” They called him a man, so he must have been there by him self for three or more years because he could not have been much more than 15 years of age when he was taken from home. They thoroughly enjoyed each others company. After they had packed their things and left for home, he too packed his kits and left. “He was sure that the hunters would take the news of their encounter home and his father would send troops after him. He resumed his running to get as far away from the area as possible. The news quickly spread in Igodomigodo that Ekaladerha was alive. The hunters were brought before Ogiso Owodo. “You saw Ekaladerhan?” He asked. “Yes my Lord,” they said. “You saw the dead among the living?´ “He is not dead. We saw him.”

“Shut up! Do you mean you saw a ghost? Can´t you tell the living from the dead? We gave Ekaladerhan to the gods. Does anyone ever return from the great beyond? Answer fools!” The king was in rage. The hunters were subjected to rigorous interrogation. They stood by their story. Finally, they were made to take an oath to attest to the veracity of their story. In Igodo, statements made on oath were held to be true because perjurers died within three years. Owodo sent for the Okaokuo. Get your men, go with these men and bring Ekaladerhan back home. Go at once. You have three moons in which you must bring him back. Turning to another aid, he said: “You go and bring the Okao-Odionmwan here to explain how the man he executed came alive again. Keep him in the dungeon until they bring Ekaladerhan back.”

They trooped out of Ogiso´s presence. They had reached the end of the road. They were in a quandary. If they failed to bring Ekaladerhan back they would die and if they succeeded, they would still die because they would not want his death on their conscience. On their way out of the palace arguing and blaming each other for the mess they had put themselves into by reporting their find, one of the hunters suggested that when they leave, he would not come back. He would find a settlement elsewhere. They all agreed, including members of the king´s troops assigned to go with them, that that was what they would all do.

Okpomwan now in his late teenage, was coming from his farm when he came upon a crowd of people moving down the road, talking loudly, some giggling excitedly, some quarrelling. Okpomwan recognized an elder among them and asked what the commotion was about. “So you haven´t heard that Ekaladerhan has been found?” “Ekaladerhan? Where?” Okpomwan screamed, unable to contain himself. They told him how they found him in the forest and that Ogiso had ordered them to go and bring him. They are going home to get ready for the journey. “I will go with you sir. I´ll run to the palace to seek Ogiso´s permission and meet you at home,” Okpomwan said. Ogiso read Okpomwan´s mind and asked him if he had heard that they found his friend in the forest and whether he believed them? “I have asked them to go and bring him even if it is a ghost,” Ogiso said. Okpomwan said “I ran into Okaokuo on the way, he told me the story. May I go with them?” “He will be glad to see you. Go,” the Ogiso said. “Thank you my Lord.” Soon as Okpomwan arrived at Okaokuo´s home, the other members of the team began arriving with their belongings, wives and children. He soon learnt that the team was going for good and would not return to Igodomigodo. He too said he was prepared to go with them for good. Okaokuo´s wife prepared one last major meal of pounded yam for the entire team before they left.

When they eventually reached where the hunters had camped and encountered Ekaladerhan, it was deserted and the huts had been taken over by shrubs. For three days, they searched far and wide, calling out Ekaladerhan´s name; the only response they got was the echo of their voices. The leader of the party then assembled them and said: “we are far from home, yet we have found a home. A home free from fear, uncertainty and treachery. God protect us here. This settlement besides this brook shall be known henceforth as Iguekaladerhan in memory of the prince. Through here, the glory of Igodomigodo departed; by the same route shall it return.” He planted the ikhinmwin stem. “It is the first tree on earth; it was planted by God as the forerunner of all trees. Wherever man has established a settlement, Ikhinmwin is planted to sanctify the land. I plant it here now. It shall consecrate this land and bear testimony that man has chosen this place as home.” After that ceremony, the men began to build their homes and prepare the ground for farming. A new settlement had begun.

Ekaladerhan in the meantime had been running for several days, crossing rivers after rivers, to get as far away from Igodo as he possibly could. He did not want the troops he expected his father to send after him, to catch him. One afternoon, tired of running, he sat under a tree to rest and soon slept off. When he woke up, he saw two Eghodin birds in the air. Eghodin birds fly where there is smoke and fire. He wondered if he had run all this far only to be back to Igodo. The bush was clean around the near-by pond and cocoyam plants littered the place. He tried to pull one out of the ground but the stem broke so he got a piece of stick to dig the yam out of the ground. As he was doing that, a man came out of the bush, holding a bow in his left hand and a bag was slung across his shoulder. He was very dark in complexion, unlike the men of Igodomigodo. The man moved with caution towards him and it suddenly dawned on Ekaladerhan that there were other humans on earth. The intruder too was puzzled. He had never seen a man as huge and muscular. Was the giant a god or a spirit? He thought. Ekaladerhan sensed his confusion and decided to take advantage of it. He spoke to him but he did not understand. The man too spoke and Ekaladerhan did not understand.

He began to move away but Ekaladerhan beckoned that he should follow him. After walking a short distance, Ekaladerhan stopped suddenly; placed a finger to his lips, to suggest that the man should be quiet and indicated that the man should wait; then he moved stealthily alone into the woods. The stranger was afraid of happenings and even more scared to run away. Ekaladerhan soon returned with a live antelope slung on his shoulders, to the hunter´s surprise. Ekaladerhan presented the animal he apparently caught with bare hands to the man and motioned to him to take it home. The man gratefully carried his gift and hurried away but soon returned with another man. They both prostrated, muttering words, which seemed to be of gratitude for the antelope. Back home, the hunters recounted their encounter in the forest. News spread that the god of the forest had arrived as was predicted long time ago by their oracles. People began to visit the forest to catch a glimpse of the friendly god.

One day, a young lad accompanying his father to hunt gave a piglet a chase not knowing that the mother was near-by and watching. The mother pig charged at him and dug its teeth into his calf. The lad´s father chased away the pig. His son´s leg was bleeding profusely so he carried him on his back and as he was heading home, Ekaladerhan stopped them, plucked some leaves, chewed them into a pulp to paste on the wound. The bleeding stopped immediately, then he peeled the skin of cocoyam to bandage the wound. When the bandage was removed a week later, the wound, as if by magic, had completely healed. They concluded that the forest god was not only a master-hunter, he was an herbalist too. From then on, they brought their sick to him for treatment. Their friendship blossomed. They brought him food, clothing and other gifts and as the moons rolled by Ekaladerhan began to pick a few words of their language.

Three harvests later, the people gathered at their village square to discuss their relationship with their god-friend. Agbonmiregun, the priest, said at the gathering: “Dear citizens, I welcome you. We are here to jointly express our thanks to God for hearing our prayers. For a long time we prayed to Him to send us a leader. The oracles foretold that God would send the leader from the land of the Rising Sun. I thought it would not happen in my life-time. Now the leader has come. He has come down to teach our young ones the technique of hunting. Since his advent, our sons have become brave and accomplished hunters; farmers now have plentiful harvest. The barns are full; no more hunger. Disease and sickness have been reduced. With a single leaf, he cures yaws, guinea worm and scabies; just one leaf and mortality rate has been reduced. Should a personage of that statue continue to live there, in the forest? I say no! And I know I speak for all of you. I propose that we invite him to live among us. We should build a house for him, and give him our daughters to marry to beget his kind and perpetuate his line in our country. I call on you to give me the mandate to send a delegation to invite him down.”

“Go on, Agbonmiregun; send a delegation to him,” the people shouted unanimously.” Agbonmiregun then turned to Ilowa, “take with you as many persons as you consider necessary and go to him. Come over and collect wearing apparels and a staff for him. Ogun, Eshindale and Obameri will go with you. Go and tell him it is our wish that he comes and lives among us. Go and prepare. You set out on the seventh day from today.”

Ilowa and his delegation meet Ekaladerhan in the forest. “Greetings, god of the forest. My name is Ilowa. I am the custodian of records for our people. This is Ogun, Eshindale, Obameri…,  They are elders in our country. We bring you greetings from our people. The oracles foretold your coming a long time ago. We did not know it would be in our life-time. We are happy that our eyes have seen you. Glory be to Olodumare. Your coming has liberated us from hunger and from diseases. We thank you for the wonderful things you have done in our lives. We have been mandated to bring you these gifts and to invite you to come and live with us. We will build a home for you on the highest peak in town and give our daughters to you in marriage.”

Ekaladerhan after thanking them profusely said among other things, “…, I am overwhelmed by your warmth, friendship and generosity…, but I cannot accept this kindness. I pray, friends, do not be offended.”

“Son of the forest, do not turn down our invitation, we beg of you. Olodumare himself sent you to us; otherwise you would not have been here. We thank Him. For His sake, do not turn your back on us. The trees and the animals and birds are always here. You can visit them whenever you wish,” Ilowa pleaded, but to no avail. Ekaladerhan was tempted to explain that he was not a spirit, but decided it was more beneficial to let them think he was one. Disappointed, the delegation returned home. Three harvests passed before they tried again. This time, their friendship with Ekaladerhan had grown tremendously and Ekaladerhan had performed several more of what seemed to them like miracles in their lives. Ekaladerhan accepted their invitation and gifts, then asked for permission and disappeared into the forest. Moments later, he was back with a bush pig. “Let us celebrate with this,” he said.

The men excitedly lit a fire and soon they were feasting. After they had left, Ekaladerhan could not sleep that night. Tears rolled down his cheeks as he ruminated on his life. He knelt down and thanked Osanobua. Then he told him self that from that day on: “my name shall be Ize-Odo´uwa.” Meaning I have chosen the path of glory.

The following morning, town criers took to the streets before the first light, beating the drums, summoning citizens to the village square. A large crowd assembled including all the leaders: Agbonmiregun, Ilowa, Obameri, Eshindale, Ogun…,  Agbonmiregun mounted the rostrum and welcomed everyone to the gathering. “I will not waste time,” he said. “I have good news, but a song is sweeter in the mouth of the minstrel. The minstrel today in Ilowa. I shall now invite him to step forward and sing the song.”

Ilowa on the rostrum, after greeting formalities, said: “it is now over six harvests since a man appeared in our forest and has been living there. The oracle had foretold of his coming and we have been expecting his arrival. Since he came, our land now yields great harvests. Our hunters no longer come home without a game. Our sons are now accomplished hunters and sharp-shooters. Generally, we are now used to a better life. Olodumare sent him to bring bounty to our land. You are witnesses to the miracles this great teacher, hunter and physician has performed. Lest we become like the blind man who does not see the beauty of day and the glory of the sun, the elders and your good selves decided that the Forest-god be persuaded to come and live amongst us.

“A delegation led by this speaker and including Ogun, Eshindale and Obameri, was sent to invite him. It took 39 moons (three harvests), to persuade him to accept the invitation. It is now my joy and privilege to break the good news that he has agreed to come and live with us.” A thunderous ovation greeted the announcement. The people burst into spontaneous songs of joy, promising to build a house for the Forest-god at the highest peak of town and reveling in the prospect of the god ushering in the cradle of their New World.

When they asked him, “Baba, we do not know what to call you,” he said “my name is IZE-OD´UWA n´ovbie Ogiso. It is a long name. You may simply call me Ize´oduwa. My father´s name is Ogiso.” He looked skywards as he called his father´s name.

Ogiso Owodo, apart from the domestic problem of his wives not being able to bare children, was not a very popular king and his execution of a pregnant woman for some minor misdemeanor, proved to be one offence too many for his subjects and his frontline chiefs, who banished Owodo from his throne. Owodo took refuge at a place called Uhinwinirin.

During the period of Owodo´s banishment, a monster snake that appeared to be coming out of the Ikpoba River, (although the Igodomigodos believed it was coming from the sky), bit people now and again at the Ogiso market and many died from the attack. The Igodomigodos as a result, nicknamed the Ogiso market, “Agbado Aigbare,” (meaning we go there together we never return together), which is how Ogiso market acquired its current name of Agbado market. Every effort to tackle the monster snake, including spiritual means failed until Evian, kindred of the Ogiso royal family, succeeded in throwing a fire-hot iron rod into the mouth of the monster snake. The feat appeared to have sent the monster snake to its eventual death. It endeared Evian to his people, because the monster snake never bothered the people of Igodomigodo again.

The death of Ogiso Owodo in 1100 CE, created leadership vacuum for the first time since the re-introduction of the son succeeding his father to the throne in Igodomigodo´s history. There was confusion and anarchy in the land with powerful chiefs jostling for the throne. The Edion´isen, after long deliberations, installed a temporary administrator, the hero, Evian, an old man at the time, to oversee the affairs of Igodomigodo. He turned out to be a very popular administrator. He invented the acrobatic dance called Amufi and the traditional dance called Emeghute. He ruled until very old age and before his death, nominated his oldest son, Irebor, to succeed him. Many of the people of Igodomigodo and the Edion´isen would not have this. They rejected Irebor on the ground that his father, Evian, was not an Ogiso and, therefore, lacked the divine authority to bequeath kingship (Ogisoship), to his heir.

Leadership vacuum was again created in Igodomigodo. The Edion´isen (Royal Council, made up of Chiefs Oliha, Edohen and Eholo-Nire), whose ancestors had sworn during the reign of Ogiso Orriagba (685– 712 CE), on the shrine of Erinmwindu to uphold the primogeniture system for the monarch and themselves, was in a fix. Apart from the fear of the ´Erinmwindu curse,´ the Chiefs were not prepared to countenance a mere mortal from a non-Ogiso lineage ruling them. It had to be the God-son´s first son or nothing. It was during this period of bewilderment and uncertainty that the Edion´isen, decided to send a delegation into the forest to look for their son, Prince Ekaladerhan.

Oliha assembled a team of six men and two maids. Edohen, Eholo and two other nobles volunteered to join the party and also assembled their own teams. Oliha, as leader of the search group, invited four experienced hunters to join them making thirty-one persons in all who set out from Urhu-Okhokho the next day, heading westwards in the bush. They camped early on that first day and kept moving deeper and deeper into the forest as the days mounted. It was not an easy assignment, and before long, they had lost two members, one to a snake bite and the other through drowning. After four moons in the woods without trace of Ekaladerhan, they were running out of food and frustration had begun to set in. They sat down to discuss terminating the mission and decided to sleep over it and let Oliha decide the following day, when before evening to pack and begin to head back home.

In the meantime, Izoduwa whose name was initially corrupted to Ijoduwa, called his new community Uhe (re-birth) and his new home ´Ilefé,´ (successful escape), which his subjects corrupted to Ile-Ife. He had acquired the Yoruba title of Ooni, and his subjects were according him great reverence as their ancestor because they believed he was a deity and the direct descendant of Olodumare. This notion was strengthened because Izoduwa looked skywards on the rare occasions when he had to mention his father´s name, Ogiso. They assumed he came directly from the sky, so, his banishment link with his God-son Igodomigodo lineage never had to be raised or revealed to his Yoruba subjects. As his fame spread among the Yoruba communities far and wide as the spiritual leader of the Ifa divinity, his name was corrupted to Oduduwa. Izoduwa had eight children and his first was a son by a Yoruba woman called Okanbi. This son was called Omonoyan (meaning precious child),´ which the Yoruba corrupted to ´Oronmiyan.´

The Ifa myth of creation draws significantly from the Bini and Egyptian corpus. It claims that Olodumare sent his son, Orunmila, (another name for Oduduwa), from heaven on a chain, carrying a five-legged cockerel, a palm-nut and a handful of earth. Before then, the entire earth surface was covered with water. Oduduwa scattered the earth on water; the cockerel scattered it with its claws so that it became dry land. The palm-nut grew into a tree representing the eight crowned rulers of Yoruba land. Oduduwa had eight children who later dispersed to found and rule other Yoruba communities. The Yoruba myth of creation is community based, confirming lineal relationship with it´s (earth based Bini, and universe based Egyptian), mother sources.

In the morning after the Oliha search party had decided to terminate their mission, two young females in the camp, Osayi and Emoze, talked two young males in the camp, Sokpunwu and Idiaghe to go a-hunting for the youths to prepare a lavish returning home party for the elders.

The young men were arrested in the forest by a crowd of hunters who did not understand their language and assumed they were enemies planning evil. The captives´ hands were tied as they were being led to the place the youths were gesturing they came from in the woods. Oliha, Eholo and Edohen were surprised when the hunters descended on them and arrested every one in the camp. They were taken to meet Oduduwa, the Ooni of the community. Oduduwa suspected they were Igodo people but he did not know any of them. The leaders of the captives too, felt that there was something familiar about Oduduwa. He looked like his father, huge, fair in complexion and masculine. Oduduwa instructed Ilowa and the others to treat their captives well. “Let them have their bath, give them food and let them rest for the night. I want to see their leaders again in the morning. I want to interrogate them.”

In the morning, the village elders were surprised that Oduduwa could converse with the captives and concluded that gods are capable of anything. “Men of Igodo,” Oduduwa said presently in Igodo language, “we meet again but at a strange place and in a strange circumstance. Welcome to our sanctuary. Now who are you? What do you want? How did you get here?” His manner of address and the mention of Igodo convinced the captives that they were indeed in the presence of Ekaladerhan. Thus persuaded, Oliha felt at ease to speak. “Hail, noble One, you are right. We are men of Igodo. I am Oliha. This here is Edohen and the next is Eholo. We left home some four moons ago in search of Ekaladerhan n´ovbie Ogiso. Now our eyes behold him that we seek.” “Why do you seek him?” Oduduwa interjected rather sternly.

Oliha took his time to explain what had happened in Igodo since Ekaladerhan´s father died and said that they had been in search of him to invite him to his father´s vacant throne. That since the father died, anarchy, hunger and diseases had become the order of the day in Igodo, with powerful chiefs fighting each other to occupy the throne. That an old man, Evian, took over but he died and his son wants to succeed him. That Evian was not of royal blood; only the son of Ogiso succeeds Ogiso.

Oduduwa, after listening attentively said: “I will not dwell too long on contemplation before responding to your request. My age and this new situation prevent me from going back with you. But I will not desert Igodo in her hour of need. I will give my son to you, if you wish. After all, he is my blood. He is, therefore, of the royal line of Owodo, your last Ogiso. But before I release my son to you, you will have to submit yourselves to a test. If you pass, it will be proof that you will be able to look after him. I will present your matter to my people tomorrow and after that you will take the test.”

For the test, he gave the three leaders, a louse each to nurture for three moons. If they bring them back healthy, “I will be convinced that you will take care of my son,” Oduduwa said and turned to Ilowa, Eshindale and Obameri, “separate them into three groups and each of you take a group home for the three moons they would be with us for the test. Give them good accommodation and hospitality. None of their groups is to meet with the other until they come back here in three moons´ time.”

Oliha´s group went with Ilowa to his house and one of Oliha´s boys wrapped the louse in a cocoyam leaf and put it under a water pot. Eholo´s group followed Eshindale home and after racking brains with his men, decided to keep the louse in a gourd. Oliha, who followed Obameri home, decided that his Odemwigie would keep the louse in his bushy hair. “Do not have a bath or a hair-cut until further notice,” he told him.

In the meantime, Oranmiyan was protesting against being sent to the strange land with the strange people. “Why not send someone else dad?” The father decided to tell him his secret and insisted he kept it to him self. “It is not a strange land, it is our ancestral land, he concluded.” Oranmiyan was pleased to be taken into confidence by his father and promised to do honour to the family name in Igodo.

After three moons, Izoduwa, surprised at the level of preservation and development of the lice, concluded that if the Edion´isen could so adequately take care of the lice, his son was likely to be in good hands. In the meantime, many ordinary people in Igodomigodo were not excited about the prospect of an Ife prince ruling them and also did not consider the Igodomigodo´s stool vacant. Irebor was on the throne and he was warning the people of Igodomigodo against what he described as (Ogie a mie, aimie Oba, meaning it is an Ogie that rules Igodomigodo and not an Oba), in protest against the intrusion of the Ife prince. The word Ogieamie then became the nickname of Irebor and subsequently the hereditary title of the ruler of Irebor´s Igodomigodo.

Oronmiyan´s intervention in Igodomigodo was around 1170 CE. Ogieamie Irebor prevented Prince Oronmiyan from entering the heart of Igodomigodo kingdom. The Edion´isen built a palace for Prince Oronmiyan at Usama. The Yoruba prince refused to fight Ogieamie. Unable to bear the animosity for too long, Oronmiyan renounced his office and called Igodomigodo, Ile Ibinu, (meaning a land of annoyance and vexation). He declared that only a child of the soil, educated in the culture and traditions of Igodomigodo could rule the kingdom.

Prince Oronmiyan, on his way home to Ife, stopped briefly at Egor, where he pregnated Princess Erimwinde, the daughter of the Enogie of Egor. Enogieship was created by the Ogiso dynasty. Egor was a dukedom and the Enogies of dukedoms were usually relatives and siblings of Igodomigodo monarchs. Many members of the guild of royal drummers whose ancestral home was at Ikpema quarters in Benin City, where allowed to settle in Ovia territory of Egor by the Enogie on the instructions of the Igodomigodo monarch at the time. Therefore, Oronmiyan´s choice of the Enogie of Egor´s daughter, on his way out of Igodomigodo, could not have been a casual decision and may have been arrived at through divination, and with the connivance of the Edion´isen. There was a strong link with the Igodomigodo royal family.

Oronmiyan left three of his chiefs behind to take care of the pregnant princess. The three chiefs were Ihama, Letema and Legema. Judging by Oronmiyan´s understanding of the intricacies of Igodomigodo traditions and culture, it is very likely that the ancestors of the three chiefs, like his own, were soaked in Igodomigodo mores. Ihama, the leader of the chiefs was definitely an Edo chieftaincy title. Oronmiyan, after his Igodomigodo experience, went on to establish the first Alaafin dynasty in Oyo. Apart from the seed he sowed in Benin, he eventually fathered two younger sons, Ajaka and Sango, who succeeded him in turn as the Alaafins of Oyo. Ihama and the two other Oronmiyan chiefs in Ile-Ibinu, successfully supervised Princess Erimwinde´s pregnancy and her eventual delivery of a baby boy who was speechless at birth, but who from early years loved playing the game of marble. When the Alaafin was informed by his chiefs in Ile-Ibinu about his son´s predicament, he sent seven ´akhue´ seeds to the boy through Chief Ehendiwo. Children throw the seeds against targets on the ground in the marble game. While playing the marble game with other children, one of Oronmiyan son´s throws hit the target and in the excitement he screamed: ´Owomika,´ (meaning I have hit the target). This is how his title of Oba Eweka was derived.


Muhammad Makau dan Ishaqu Jatau of Abuja/Suleja Emirate

The Suleja Emirate is a Hausa principality in what is now Niger State, Nigeria. The emirate was established as the Abuja Emirate during the 19th century, located just north of the site of the present-day federal capital city named Abuja. When the new city was established, the emirate and its capital were renamed the Suleja Emirate and Suleja. The emirate covers about 1,150 square miles (2,980 square km) of wooded savanna area.
History

The current emirate originally included four small Koro chiefdoms that paid tribute to the Hausa Zazzau Emirate. After warriors of the Fulani jihad (holy war) captured Zaria, Zazzau’s capital, 137 miles (220 km) north-northeast about 1804, Muhamman Makau, sarkin (king) of Zazzau, led many of the Hausa nobility to the Koro town of Zuba. Abu Ja (Jatau), his brother and successor as Sarkin Zazzau, founded Abuja town in 1828, began construction of its wall a year later, and proclaimed himself the first emir of Abuja, while retaining the title Sarkin Zazzau'. Withstanding Zaria attacks, the Abuja emirate remained an independent Hausa refuge. Trade with the Fulani emirates of Bida (to the west) and Zaria began in Emir Abu Kwaka’s reign (1851–77).
When Abuja’s leaders disrupted the trade route between Lokoja and Zaria in 1902, the British occupied the town. Alluvial tin mining began in Emir Musa Angulu’s reign (1917–44).[citation needed] In 1976 a large part of the emirate plus territory from other states became the Federal Capital Territory, centered on the new city of Abuja. The emirate was renamed Suleja, based on the renamed town of Suleja which remained in Niger State.
Awwal Ibrahim became the Emir, or Sarkin Zazzau, of Suleja in 1993. His accession resulted in rioting and destruction of property by opponents.[2] He was deposed on 10 May 1994 by General Sani Abacha.[3] After the return to democracy, Awwal Ibrahim was restored to his title of Emir of Suleja on 17 January 2000. His restoration again caused a series of violent clashes, forcing the government to call in anti-riot troopers and impose a 20-hour curfew.



Adama bi Ardo Hassana the first Ruler of Adamawa ad his son of Yobe

Adama bi Ardo Hassana (c. 1786 – c. 1847), more commonly known as Modibo Adama, was a Fulani scholar and holy warrior. He led a jihad into the region of Fumbina (in modern day Cameroon and Nigeria), opening the region for Fulani colonisation. As a result of Adama's constant warring, the Fulani today make up the largest ethnic group in Northern Cameroon, and Islam is the dominant religion. The wars also forced many peoples south into the forest region.

Adama studied in Hausaland and earned the title "Modibo" ("Lettered One") for his scholarship. Upon finishing his studies, he returned home to Gurina and learned of the jihad declared by Fulani mystic Usman dan Fodio. When he accompanied a delegation to visit Usman, the leader ordered Adama to extend his jihad east as "Lamido Fumbina" (Ruler of the Southlands).

Adama raised an army and attacked Bata settlements near Gurin. He took the villages, and many more traditional Fulbe leaders and new soldiers came to his side. He next took on Mandara, the largest and best organised state in the region. He swept over several smaller settlements and eventually conquered the Mandara capital, Dulo, with ease. While his men celebrated, however, the Mandara army counterattacked and recaptured the town.

Though he fought many more campaigns, Adama now spent most of his time in Yola, which became his capital. He set about creating the administrative structure of his new state, which he named Adamawa after himself. Adama ruled the empire, subordinate only to Usman dan Fodio in Sokoto. Below him lay the heads of major settlements, known as lamibe (singular: lamido). The village formed the smallest unit of government.

Upon Adama's death in 1847, his son Muhammadu Lawal became Emir of Adamawa. The empire was not to last, however, as colonial battles and division eventually destroyed the independent Fulani state. The conquest had long-term repercussions, however. The Fulani became the dominant ethnic group in the region, and Islam the major religion. The herdsmen altered the land to be more suitable for herding cattle, their primary pursuit. The jihad also pushed those peoples who had lived on the Adamawa Plateau south into the forest, the single most important event in the populating of Southern Cameroon.


Adama came from a respected but humble family; his father, Hassana, was a well regarded scholar of Islam and minor nobleman from Ba'ajo. Adama travelled to Bornu for his education, where he stayed for some time under the tutelage of Mallam Kiari. He continued his studies in Hausaland (modern Northern Nigeria), where legend says his teacher was the Fulani Shehu Usman dan Fodio in Degel. Adama proved a bright scholar and a pious Muslim, and he earned the title Modibo, "Lettered One". After several years away, he returned home to Guringa around 1804. There, the news was grim. Adama's father had died in 1803 fighting the Bata.

Jihad

Talk in Gurina also concerned events in Hausaland. Word had arrived that Usman dan Fodio had declared a militant jihad on the Hausa leaders. He had installed himself at Gudu and subsequently defeated non-Fulani leaders at Gobir and Kébbi. Usman had now turned his attention to Bornu and to the vast southlands of Fumbina (modern-day Northern Cameroon).

Adama's mandate

Still, the picture seemed unclear to leaders farther from the fighting. Was Usman a Mujaddid (reformer), or was he the Mahdi, a saviour figure who would create an ideal Muslim society? In 1805 or 1806, the Fulani leaders at Guringa assembled a delegation to visit Usman and find out. Adama's pious reputation and familiarity with Hausaland made him a natural fit for the mission.

The party met Usman in 1806, probably in Gwandu. There, they learned that his intention was to extend his jihad eastward, into Fumbina. The goal was ostensibly to convert various Kirdi (pagan) peoples to Islam and to protect Muslims who already lived in the area. The jihadists were also supposed to educate the region's current Muslim population, many of whom merged Islam with paganism.

Though not the oldest member, Adama was one of the more zealous about Usman's ideas. Usman thus presented him with a command that would change his life dramatically. The Shehu gave Adama his blessing and presented him with a flag, the symbol of command in Usman's army. The Shehu then charged Adama to carry the jihad into Fumbina and from the Nile to the Bight of Biafra. Adama also received the power to distribute flags of command to others, thus establishing more centres of Fulani Islam and spreading the war to farther reaches.

Early campaigns

Adama immediately began recruiting Fulani and Hausa volunteers and mercenaries. These were mainly mounted cavalrymen fighting with sword, bow, and poisoned arrow. Adama forbade them to pillage or to kill indiscriminately, but enemy nations were given two choices: convert to Islam or become a tributary state. Those ethnic groups that lacked a centralised government had but one: become slaves to the Fulani and convert to their faith.

The non-Fulani Muslims of the Adamawa largely rejected Adama's jihad; they viewed it as little more than an excuse to spread Fulani hegemony. However, it was primarily the Fulani leaders (ardo'en, singular: ardo) of Fumbina with whom Adama was concerned. Some of them rejected his primacy for various reasons: He was from a fairly humble background, he owned little wealth, his army was still small, and he lacked charisma. The majority, however, welcomed Adama as a military commander or religious leader at the very least. Adama's son-in-law, Jauro Dembo, had already settled in Fumbina at Malabu and became one of his lieutenants.

The makeshift army made headquarters at Gurin, a fort at the junction of the Faro and Benue Rivers where Fulani warriors had regrouped after fighting the Bata in 1803. Adama then led his forces in a series of strikes on Bata settlements such as Pema, Tepa, and Turuwa. The victories elated Adama's men, who took numerous Bata slaves.

The early successes convinced more local Fulani leaders to come to Adama's side. Even those ardo'en who opposed his political rule recognised the jihad as an opportunity to expand their territories. Njobdi of the Wollarbe clan is one notable example, and his major rival, Hammam Sambo, perhaps the first ardo to have settled in Fumbina, proved the major holdout. Bitter relations between Njobdi and Hammam would prove a major obstacle in Adama's quest to maintain a cohesive empire.

In addition, common Fulani were inspired by Adama's exploits and formed into bands. Adama created a new position for their leaders: The lamido (plural: lamibe), who was the leader of a particular territory, as opposed to an ardo, leader of a particular people. Both groups received flags of command and shared the same status in Adama's armies. Before his death, Adama would appoint over 40 non-ardo lamibe. They would prove his most loyal lieutenants.

Mandara campaign

Adama turned his attentions on the only major state in Fumbina that could present a threat to his fledgling emirate: Mandara. It was an attractive target. It lay between Bornu to the north and Baghirmi in the Chad Basin, so its fall would facilitate the conquest of these areas. Its people were already Muslim, though they mixed the religion with pagan practices. Moreover, it had a large population from whom soldiers could be conscripted, and it was renowned for its excellent horses. Mandara was well organised, however, and would not be an easy prize. The people who lived there, the Mandarawa, had a long-standing rivalry with the Fulani, who had fought them under the Bornu in previous years. This animosity only served to drive more Fulani to Adama's armies, though, as many veterans were eager for another crack at an old rival. Furthermore, Fulbe rulers Modibo Damraka and others were already embroiled in fighting against the Mandara in the Diamaré Plain. Sentiment for jihad was high.

Adama reached Guringa in 1809 with a large army in good morale. He quickly conquered the Mandara settlement at Guider and headed north, taking several more villages along the way. Outside of the Mandara capital, Dulo, Adama demanded that the king, Bukar Djiama, swear his allegiance and convert to Islam untainted with paganism. Bukar agreed to acknowledged Adama's right to rule his own subjects, but he refused to yield his own sovereignty. Adama and his men took Dulo with little fighting.

Adama searched for someone to rule the settlement, but he found no one whom he felt adequate for the post. Meanwhile, his troops revelled in their plunder. No one expected the Mandara counterattack, which was launched from nearby Mora. Adama fled the town, and Dulo fell from his grasp forever.

Administration

Adama and his men retreated to Yola (in present-day Nigeria). The town would become his capital by 1841. From here, he and his lieutenants continued to expand the emirate, which he named Adamawa after himself. The subordinates had to send him tribute in the form of cattle. Large settlements such as Maroua, Garoua, and Ngaoundéré fell to Adama or his lieutenants. By 1825, the Fulani had penetrated the Adamawa Plateau. Nevertheless, Adama lived in relatively moderate surroundings and never acquired great wealth.

From Yola, Adama began the administrative tasks necessary for his nascent state. He did this with Usman's advice; he was to foster understanding between his people and their governors, facilitate communication between elders and their subordinates, and prevent the stratification of society based on class or wealth. The empire eventually took on three administrative tiers. At the centre was the emir al-Mu'minin ("commander of the faithful"), Adama himself, ruling from Yola and answering only to Usman dan Fodio in Sokoto. A contingent of councilors and administrators directly aided him, and a household staff of non-Fulbe and slaves doubled as his bodyguard. Below him were a number of district leaders, the lamibe, who ruled key settlements. Under them were a number of villages, each headed by a village chief.

Meanwhile, some of the older ardo'en grew powerful through their own conquests. They regarded the unconquered areas near their territories as their own private backyards and defended these zones from all comers. This sometimes surfaced in their relations with Adama, such as when Bouba Njida of Rai refused to come to Adama's aid when the emir was fighting the Namchi at Poli. Instead, Bouba waited for Adama to retreat from the area to bring in his own forces and finish the enemy off. He then sent prisoners from the battle to Adama as a gift.

Legacy

Adama died in 1847 and was laid to rest at Yola (his tomb survives to this day). Adamawa covered 103,000 km² from Lake Chad to Banyo and was inhabited by 1,500,000 people. Further expansion to the south had proved difficult and undesirable since the presence of the tsetse fly and thick jungle made cattle rearing difficult there.

Adama's son Muhammadu Lawal succeeded him after a brief regency under Hamidu bi Adama. Eventually, three of Adama's other sons would at some point serve as Emir of Adamawa. Not until the British and German colonial periods would the emirate come to an end.

Despite their loss of independence, the Fulani were now the preeminent ethnic group of Northern Cameroon. They spread Islam throughout the region, establishing it as the dominant religion. Education also flourished, as new converts learned Arabic writing and studied the Qur'an. Trade flourished, and communications with it. The conquests were also important ecologically. Lands that had once been used for cultivation now became part of Fulani pastureland. Herdsmen cut down trees to make way for cattle, and they burned grasses that their herds later trampled. Centuries of such behaviour have replaced the region's forest with savanna.

Ironically, the Adamawa was more sparsely populated after Adama's conquest. Rather than fight the Fulani invaders, many peoples fled, displacing others in turn. The Adamawa Plateau, once home to many of Cameroon's ethnic groups, soon became a pastureland, and the forest zone of Cameroon became more heavily populated.


Oranmiyan - 1st Alaafin of Oyo, Father of Eweka the 1st (Oba of Benin)

Oranmiyan is the name of one of the sons of Oduduwa. History recorded him as one of the youngest and imbued with restless but valiant attributes. He led and won several war campaigns even before his father’s death. He was a successful Diplomat and Prince. As Ambassador Plenipotentiary, History recorded him in Benin Kingdom. At Benin he became involved with a Benin beauty and princess. The offspring of that union are claimed to be the progenitors of the present ruling dynasty in Benin City today.

The Prince returned to Ife and went on several war expeditions before the death of Oduduwa. He was away on one of his numerous campaigns when Oduduwa died. Before his return his brothers had distributed the material possession of their father leaving only ‘useless’ lands. The smart Oranmiyan inherited the land and demanded rent from his brothers. He became instantly richer than his brothers. He was recorded as succeeding to the Oduduwa throne. He left Ife leaving Ooni as guardian of the throne. He went north on an expedition purportedly to avenge the expulsion of his grandfather from his native Middle-East country. Having been discouraged by the King of Nupe on the foolhardiness of the project, he founded and settled Oyo on his southern march back to Ife and becoming, so to say, the first Alafin of Oyo. Thus he became the founder of the first real Yoruba political entity, later called Oyo Empire. He was associated with some other dynasties apart from the Benin’s, like Popo in the present day Republic of Benin.

He was remarkable for his intelligence, bravery, industry and leadership qualities. He was an exemplary Nations builder in the real sense of the word.
We draw our inspiration from this our great forebear in our quest for the renaissance of the great Yoruba political past. Our Symbol relates to this great historical figure and draws his inspiration therefrom among others.


The great Ojigi the ruler of the Yoruba Kingdom and the warrior that conquered Dahomey Kingdom among others

The first half of the 18th century was described as the golden age and the imperial conquest of Oyo. Ojigi who ruled from 1724 was responsible for making Dahomey (now Benin) and Allada tribulation in Oyo. The subjection of the Dahomey was officially proclaimed in 1730 when its ruler was Agaja sued for peace after several OYO invasions. During Ojigi's reign, Oyo's influence was exercised from the Atlantic Coast to the Niger belt.


The great Oluewe of Oyo the man that fought the Fulani in Illorin

The ruler of the Oyo kingdom between (1835-5) during which was the final collapse of the Oyo Kingdom.
In 1816-1817 the province of Illorin revolted against the Oyo empire, and triggered a series of civil war. A fula coup within Illorin turned it into an emirate of the expanding Fulani empire (1824). Oluewe was required to pay tributes to Shitta the fulani emir in Illorin. When Shitta demanded Oluewe to embrace Islam, Oluewe refused and called his ally neighbour Borgu for help. Oluewe's forces won an important initial victory against Illorin which had help from the Nupe Kingdom. When Oyo marched to Illorin, they were soundly defeated. Oluewe was either killed in battle or was captured and executed. The city of Oyo was later destroyed soon after.


THE EPIC BATTLE BETWEEN THE YORUBAS AND THE ASHANTIS AT ATAKPAME (PRESENT DAY TOGO). IT IS POPULARLY KNOWN AS "THE BATTLE OF ATAKPAME"
The Battle of Atakpamé (1764) was an armed confrontation between the Ashanti Empire and the Yoruba Oyo Empire, in and around the Yoruba settlement of Atakpamé in Togo. The battle also included troops from the Kingdom of Dahomey, a vassal of Oyo.
Contents
Prelude

During the 18th century, the Ashanti Empire was beset by a host of rebellions. This was due in large part, to the empire's policy of allowing conquered rulers a fair amount of autonomy as long as they paid tribute and provided military contingents when ordered.[1] The asantethene during this period was Kusi Oboadum, who had ascended the throne in 1750. During his reign, the southern states under Asante's influence such as Denkyira, Wassa, Twifo and Akyem became openly hostile and threatened the empire's commercial routes to the coast. This was not only a threat to Asante's commercial interests but to its national security, since its supply of firearms came from the coast.[2]
[edit] Casus Belli

In 1763, the Asante vassal state of Akyem made contact with the Kingdom of Dahomey while planning a rebellion with other dissidents within the empire, including the Kwahu and Brong.[1] Meanwhile, the bantamahene, one of the major Asante military officers,[3] had been relentlessly pressuring Asantehene Kusi Oboadum for war. Bantamahene Adu Gyamera had even gone so far as to threaten the ruler's impeachment. The asantehene did not order an invasion, however, until learning that the Akyem had sought out aid from the Oyo Empire.[2]
[edit] The battle

Sometime in 1764, the Ashanti army marched out to invade the Dahomey. The exact size of neither force is known. What historians are sure of is that the Ashanti army was ambushed in or near Atakpamé in what is now Togo. A force of Dahomean infantry, including the kingdom's elite Ahosi corps of female soldiers, as well as levies from the Oyo Empire, inflicted a crushing defeat on the Ashanti army.[1] During the battle, the Juabenhene (head of the royal clan of Oyoko) was killed.[2] The Ashanti army never reached Dahomey and was forced to retreat.
[edit] Aftermath

News reached European merchants trading with the Yoruba that Oyo had inflicted a severe defeat on the Ashanti.[1] The consequences were far reaching in that the unpopular asantethene was removed and replaced by the more youthful Osei Kwadwo.[2] There were less documented confrontations between Ashanti and Dahomey in the early 19th century, but peace was the norm between them.[1] This particular battle did, however, define the boundary between Asanteman and Oyo which remained the powerful states in the region.

No comments:

Post a Comment